Criminals and ‘thugs’ or racial segregation? The Baltimore riots aren't black and white.

Almost two weeks since the streets of Baltimore erupted in violence following the funeral of 25-year-old Freddie Gray who died of injuries whilst in police custody, swelling media hype is transfixed on images of a mother scolding her son for demonstrating; the use of the word ‘thugs’ to describe the protesters;  Baltimore Mayor Rawlings-Blake’s unclear messaging; and the movement of the Governor’s office to Baltimore City. These stories paint a picture of a city in damage control; focused on the superficial details of the immediate impact of the disaster, rather than the seismic shifts that caused it.  

The Huffington Post recently published an article entitled ‘Racial Segregation and the Baltimore Riots’, which argues that in retrospect, the riots should not have been a surprise:

The tensions between the police officers and African Americans living in segregated, inner-city communities have been festering for decades. The problems attributable to segregation can be traced to the early decades of the 20th century when American ghettos were deliberately created and maintained by public and private institutions. 

Portrayed as a clash between black citizens and the police – the oppressed minority and the powerful majority or even black vs ‘white’ – an investigation is underway to ascertain whether or not the Baltimore Police engaged in civil rights violations. Attorney General Loretta Lynch stated the investigation

“Will focus on allegations that Baltimore Police Department officers use excessive force, including deadly force; conduct unlawful searches, seizures and arrests, and engage in discriminatory policing.”

To some, this echoes investigations following the death Michael Brown, which ultimately found the Police Department had racial bias in its practices. To others, it is a reminder of the riots that ensued after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. While the similarities between these events are limited, the fact these comparisons are so readily drawn indicates that there are feelings of discrimination and wrong-doing fresh in the shared Baltimorian memory. When these shared memories exist so violently in a community, accuracy is no longer the most important element in the conflict.  

Baltimore Police Commissioner Anthony Batts highlighted this point by emphasising the significant lack of trust between the community and police in Baltimore. Likewise, President Obama stated there is a growing trend of class stratification in America between the very rich and the very poor, encouraging people to combat poverty as the underlying cause of the Baltimore riots. Pinpointing the roots of unrest in Baltimore as a lack of opportunity for inner-city youth and laws that make it difficult to escape a cycle of crime, how does this translate on the ground in Baltimore?

Does this mean we should be looking at class-based – dare I say, Marxist – interpretations of American society to resolve what is commonly considered ‘racial’ or ‘ethnic’ conflict? If this is the case, the riots in Baltimore aren't as black and white as they may seem.

   

Surfing, skating, weaving: ways to empowerment and meaningful engagement

As beautiful and shocking as the 1985 National Geographic portrait of the Afghan Girl, photos of young Afghan girls skateboarding in Kabul published in My Modern Met article Skateboarding Empowers Afghan Girls by Giving Them Strength and Freedom illustrates the ‘wheels of change’ in motion.

Not-for-profit organisation Skateistan was founded to “empower young people, providing a foundation for change and educational opportunities” and works in Afghanistan (its HQ), Cambodia and South Africa. Their goal is especially ambitious in Afghanistan – and even more so in targeting young women - where women riding bikes is considered provocative and immoral.

Nonetheless, Skateistan reports that 40% of participants in Afghanistan are female. In a patriarchal, war-ravaged country, this must be a breath of fresh air for those who have the opportunity to get involved.  

Finding alternate channels to empower the future generations of countries exposed to war, conflict and poverty is critical in developing mechanisms for peace. Not only does the provision of skills – even as hobbies and not for employment – empower people with the ability and courage to pursue other avenues for success. It also opens up channels for peaceful and meaningful interaction.

Skateistan is not alone in this pursuit. In Papua New Guinea, the PNG surfing Association is teaching locals to make wooden surfboards, to develop the local surfing industry in the hands of local people. The idea came about after talking to village elders who told stories of children surfing crude boards made from 'splinters' from broken canoes and felled trees.

In East Timor, the East Timor Women’s Association (ETWA) supports local women’s (and men in some instances) involvement in the tradition of Tais weaving, as an opportunity to improve [local women’s] skills, extend their market reach to improve their access to things they can’t afford, maintain traditional practices and share the riches of their culture.

Finding the right avenue to peace and progress is a difficult task in itself. I think these kind of initiatives are paving the way. 

A century of conflict in Yemen: timeline reads more like political than sectarian cleavage

ABC News article Timeline: A century of conflict in Yemen outlines the history of a country “embroiled in conflict” for close to one hundred years. Since the decline of the Ottoman Empire, Yemen is portrayed as a country divided between north and south, plagued by uprisings and civil war in the name of anti-feudalism, anti-colonialism, separatism and various other ideologies. A history of Al Qaeda attacks in the country add to the sense of turmoil expressed throughout the timeline. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) is particularly volatile, because of its technical expertise and global reach. On top of this environment is the emergence of a Yemeni affiliate of ISIS that seeks to eclipse AQAP.

That today’s conflict is one between Shia (Zaidi) Houthi rebels and the besieged Sunni backed Yemeni government is to oversimplify the situation.

Iran specialist, Fatima Alsmadi, from the Al Jazeera Studies Centre made clear that the conflict in Yemen is political, not sectarian. Interviewed by Al Jazeera she stated:

“Some Saudi media outlets tend to portray the conflict in sectarian terms, i.e. Sunni vs Shia, in order to gain support from the predominantly Sunni Arab population, and to lend legitimacy to its actions. The conflict essentially remains a political one for power and influence in the region between Iran and Saudi Arabia (and its Arab and western allies).”

That this is not a sectarian, ethnic, or racially driven conflict is clear in analysing the complex web of actors involved: the Houthis, fighting for control of the Yemeni government; the ousted Yemeni Government, with split military alignments between ousted President Hadi and his predecessor Saleh (who now supports the Houthis); AQAP, whose existence in Yemen precipitated a history of US Special Forces involvement in the country; Saudi Arabia/Arab military coalition, backing Hadi; Iran, backing Houthis; ISIS, who seek to overthrow rival AQAP; and the USA, supporting the Saudi coalition.

If it is clear that this is not a sectarian conflict, then why would Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, be concerned that it could help trigger a wider sectarian war in the region? Perhaps it is easier to call a complex and volatile situation ‘sectarian’ than it is to call it a problem of representation and legitimacy.

Rather than an intractable religious conflict, or a ‘clash of civilizations’, conflict in Yemen is symptomatic of a wider political problem; being one of unequal access to power and resources. This is the underlying factor to Yemen’s timeline of conflict: a timeline of unequal access to power and resources.

PHOTO: Rubble left in the wake of Saudi-led air strikes against Houthi rebels in the southern port city Aden. (Reuters: Khaled Abdullah)